When Muslim Community Patrol & Services rolled their police-cruiser-like cars onto the streets of New York City in November 2018, there was no prior media briefing, no public announcement, no ceremony or grand unveiling.
Not surprisingly, the sight of official-looking cars – made to look like police New York City cars — emblazoned with the words “Muslim Community Patrol” cruising the avenues of Brooklyn and Staten Island—in the United States of America—was quick to generate news coverage, commentary and alarm.
Most of the mainstream American media reacted in typical fashion. Ever fearful of offending radicalized Muslim communities or digging too deeply into unsavory truths, they gushed in glowing news reports about the new patrol cars and portrayed them as a “neighborhood watch” for Muslim-dominated areas.
Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams said the Muslim patrol units would help keep the city safe and vowed that his administration would help organizers acquire more police-style cars and equipment.
“We believe we need to do more to assist them,” he told NY1 News.
Muslim Patrols Initially Billed as Safety Patrols but the Message Changed Quickly
Community-based safety patrols are in fact not unusual in the Big Apple. From crime-prevention (groups like the Guardian Angels) to the Brooklyn South Safety Patrol (a Jewish civilian patrol), New York City has seen its share of neighborhood watch groups.
Some of those patrols have even become embroiled in controversy of their own, with the Jewish patrol once being described as “bullies” and criticized as acting like “judge, jury and executioner.”
Unlike other New York City safety patrols, however, MCP&S attracted suspicion, alarm and consternation from the very start. But the backlash from concerned citizens, political groups and conservative news organizations has been to no avail.
The liberal Brooklyn news organization Bklyner declared: “Muslim Community Patrol & Services is here to stay.”
Whether they actually are here to stay might depend on more than a pontificating headline. For the moment, however, Muslim Community Patrol cars are on the streets of New York City with organizers planning to expand their humble fleet of three cars to nearly 30 fully operational units in the near future.
At the outset of the cars’ deployment, MCP&S Vice President Noor Rabah repeatedly claimed that his “officers” were nothing more than a watchdog group that would act as a liaison between the Muslim community and the NYPD, because his officers know Muslim culture, “lingo” and “vibes.”
“They (Muslims) know we are approachable. We can speak, mingle, talk,” he told Spectrum News NY 1 in early January 2019.
That message swiftly changed four months later on March 15, after the much-publicized massacre at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, which resulted in 51 deaths.
MCP&S now describes their role as that of a much needed defense and security force for the Muslim community and its mosques. On their official Facebook page the group states, “Our goal is to ensure that our brothers and sisters in Islam are protected.”
In addition, Rahab told the BBC that his Muslim Community Patrol is “security on steroids.”
Such bold claims of providing “security” and protection, however, could put MPC&S at odds with New York state and city laws, which require security companies and their paid employees to go through the rigorous process of obtaining licenses, which MCP&S does not have.
Licensed guards must also submit to FBI background checks, be fingerprinted, and attend training classes. Regardless of its legal status as a security company or its publicized purpose of being a watchdog group, organizers privately admit that MCP&S was established to do more than protect Muslims, guard mosques or be a neighborhood watch.
It was also created for a purpose familiar to anyone who has lived in a Muslim-governed state: to enforce Sharia law on citizens.
Sharia Enforcement Revealed in Emergency Meeting
That function, which has never been publicly revealed, was acknowledged during an emergency conference held in early 2019 at the Masjid Kawthar on Nostrand Ave. in Brooklyn.
Along with the Masjid Kawthar, three other Brooklyn-area mosques participated in the conference: Masjid Farooq, Masjid Khalifa and Masjid Taqwa. All are located in or near Crown Heights.
The urgent meeting was sparked by a late-afternoon incident that had occurred outside the Masjid Kawthar a week before. Several young African-American men were standing outside the mosque smoking marijuana when a Muslim Community Patrol officer arrived in his car and approached them.
He issued instructions for them to stop smoking pot and to move away from the mosque. A shouting match ensued with the young men cursing at the MCP officer, calling him a “phony cop” and making threats to shoot him if he returned.
The loud, raucous exchange got the attention of the mosque’s imam, Rasheed Jabarr, who came outside to calm people down and settle the dispute. After accomplishing this, the imam demanded an emergency conference with the three other area mosques to address the danger of MCP cars patrolling the east side of Brooklyn.
The conference revealed much of what the public and media did not know about the purpose of the MCP cars, the group’s organizational goals through the eyes of one its proponents.
Radical Imam Siraj Wahhaj, Sr.: The Sharia Force Behind the Patrols
Taking center stage was the controversial imam of Masjid Taqwa, Siraj Wahhaj, Sr.. He is known among law enforcement officials for his links to terrorist operatives and radicalized Islamists.
Wahhaj’s supporters affectionately call him “America’s imam.” Though stays out of the public eye regarding MPC&S, he serves directly under its director of operations, Mahwish Fathma.
Wahhaj’s duties include the command and deployment of MPC&S officers. All questions, criticism and suggestions were directed to the 69-year-old Islamic extremist during the often-heated discussion.
From the start of the conference, the opposition imams told Wahhaj that they did not want his patrol cars operating on their side of Brooklyn, from Bedford Stuyvesant to Boerum Hill. The presence of MPC&S in that section of Brooklyn was presented to Wahhaj as an untenable situation.
The opposing imams argued that the area was rife with drug dealers and users, as well as crime lords. An MCP officer causing trouble with an African-American over his or her use of drugs or the selling of drugs, or any other type of criminal activity, could spark a violent reaction against their mosques.
“You got a lot of ‘Bloods and Crips’ out there,” said “Abdul,” who attended the conference and asked that his real name not be revealed. “You don’t want to mess with these people. Park Place is known for a lot of shootings.”
As the opposing imams saw it, Wahhaj’s MCP cars patrolling African-American neighborhoods could have disastrous consequences. If something got out of hand between an MCP officer and a drug dealer, for instance, one of their mosques might be shot at or burned down in retaliation.
“If something went wrong, there would be violence against the MCP cars by the drug dealers. The mosques would then have to come down on the side of the MCP because Muslims have to defend their brothers,” Abdul said. It would set the stage for all out war.
“What’s worse, the people running the MCP cars might not even be there when the violence breaks out. So these mosques would be left carrying the bag. The drug dealers would try to close the mosque. They would either burn it down or start shooting at it. And once that happens, no Muslim is going to feel safe going through the doors of that mosque and it’s going to get shut down,” Abdul predicted.
Wahhaj fiercely defended the presence of MCP vehicles in the Crown Heights area, saying the cars were needed to secure and protect the mosques.
This is where things got interesting. He went on to say that the patrol presence was needed not just for protecting mosques, but also to stop people— Muslim people, in particular—from doing what was harmful and what the Quran considers haram, or forbidden, for Muslims.
Abdul remembered Wahhaj saying, “The mosques need protection and the MCP cars can help stop people who were not following the rules and regulations of the sharia, doing what they’re not supposed to be doing, but still doing it.”
That is, they were there to physically enforce “laws” that were not U.S. or New York laws.
Wahhaj reportedly went on to say he was concerned about stopping such things as “Muslim women being out after dark, Muslim men hanging out in the corners doing dope, Muslims drinking liquor. Basically, the fundamentals of the Sharia,” Abdul said.
Though Wahhaj, who was born in Brooklyn, briefly dug in and said he was going to keep the cars in the area, he eventually relented and agreed to redeploy them until the MCP could obtain a sufficient number of vehicles to provide a round-the-clock presence. The cars, he said, would be moved to the Bay Ridge area of Brooklyn, sternly warning the other imams, “Don’t call us if you have any problems.”
Imam Tariq of the Masjid Kawthar shot back, “We’ll kick their a** if they come over to my masjid [mosque]. We’ll keep watch over our own Muslims.”
The impromptu, emergency meeting at Masjid Kawthar revealed the hidden agenda of Wahhaj’s MCP cars: They were not put on the streets to connect with the culture, “lingo” and “vibes” of the Muslim community, or act as an intermediary between Muslims and the NYPD.
That was only a pretext. They were put on the streets to enforce sharia law as well as provide security for mosques, all under the direction of Wahhaj, who is serving as second in command to the operations director of MCP&S.
“Everything is going to be sharia,” Abdul said. “That’s Wahhaj’s main thing. He’s working on a ‘one sheikh’ and ‘one government’ system that practices sharia. What he’s trying to do is find grounds for running the sharia. That’s what these cars are all about.”
According to an eyewitness who spoke personally to Mahwish Fathma, the operations director for MCP&S, Abdul is correct. Fathma said sharia enforcement is the group’s primary objective.
“When I asked her whether sharia was going to be enforced, she said, ‘Of course it is,’ said “Hashim,” who also asked not to be identified by his real name. “She said they’d enforce it on Muslims first, then on non-Muslims. They’ll be enforcing sharia law and American law.
“She said it would be contradictory to only enforce sharia law without also upholding the laws of the land (meaning American laws).”
Wahhaj’s Radical History
Wahhaj has a long history of issuing statements that denounce America and its democratic system while advocating that it be replaced by Allah’s deen, meaning the Islamic way of life.
“Islam is better than democracy. Allah will cause his deen, Islam, to prevail over every kind of system, and you know what? It will happen,” Wahhaj has said.
Wahhaj supports sharia methods of punishment, declaring. “If Allah says 100 strikes, 100 strikes it is. If Allah says cut off their hand, you cut off their hand. If Allah says stone them to death, through the Prophet Muhammad, then you stone them to death, because it’s the obedience of Allah and his messenger—nothing personal.”
In a September 1991 speech in Toronto titled “The Afghanistan Jihad,” Wahhaj encouraged his fellow Muslims to engage in holy war: “Those who struggle for Allah, it doesn’t matter what kind of weapons [you use], I’m telling you it doesn’t matter! You don’t need nuclear weapons or even guns! If you have faith in Allah and a knife! If Allah wants you to win, you will win! Because Allah is the only one who fights. And when his hand is over your hand, whoever is at war against my friends, I declare war on them … The Americans are not your friends … ”
He also expressed his hatred for America again in a 2011 lecture called “Fundamentalism and Terrorism.”
“America is one of the greatest terrorist nations on this earth, but you know, they hide it with magic. They pretend to be so nice,” he said.
MCP&S is not Wahhaj’s first attempt at fielding an Islamic security force with the stated intention of “protecting” New York City’s Muslim community.
In January 1988 he announced an initiative called “40 Days and 40 Nights” with the goal of clearing out troubled spots in the Fulton Street commercial corridor, between Franklin and Bedford Avenues in Brooklyn.
At the time, the area was flooded with drug users, dealers and crack cocaine-related crime. Wahhaj’s security team boasted four dozen men, some with prior law enforcement experience. Some other personnel, however, were convicted criminals, drug users or dealers themselves.
Those with licenses to carry guns did so, while others toted nightsticks. At the end of the “40 Days and 40 Nights” campaign, Wahhaj declared the program a success, claiming his patrol had managed to rid the community of numerous drug dens.
In announcing his victory he gave credit to his guards’ “stoic demeanor and reputation for retribution.” That “reputation for retribution,” however, meant the willingness of his guards to use violence.
Newsday described Wahhaj’s guards as “a private police force, as heavily armed and sometimes as violent as the dealers it is hired to confront.”
A former associate of Wahhaj claimed the entire operation was nothing more than an effort to oust drug dealers who were competing with Wahhaj’s own drug distribution business. “It was just a front, because he had his own drug operation going on,” said the associate, who asked to remain anonymous. “And he didn’t shut it down because it was a success, he shut it down because the police didn’t like their violent tactics. They went in and beat the s*** out of Wahhaj while he was in his mosque.
The police said, ‘You ain’t that big now, are you?’ That’s when he stopped doing it.”
Publicly, the police praised Wahhaj. At the time, Deputy Police Chief Thomas Gallagher of the Brooklyn North command said, “This is a good example of what the police and community can do working together.”
Others claimed the operation served no purpose at all, as the drug dealers simply relocated a few hundred feet away from their previous location.
“Sure, the patrols may clean up around here,” said Tony Johnson, a clerk at the Manufacturers Hanover Trust office on Fulton Street, “but the druggies just go to another block. So what’s the use? Just a few feet away, the same thing is going on.”
There was even considerable skepticism over whether Wahhaj’s security force actually cleaned up any of the drug dens in the Fulton Street commercial corridor, as he had claimed.
During the same time period as Wahhaj’s “40 Days and 40 Nights” operation, the NYPD’s 79th precinct raided 12 known crack-selling locations and made 32 arrests. Some credit Wahhaj only with keeping the drug dens out of the area only after the police had already forced them to leave.
Even before Wahhaj announced his “40 Days and 40 Nights” campaign, the controversial imam had been engaged in a war with local drug lords.
Wahhaj’s Arrest on Weapons Charges
In 1987, Wahhaj and four others were arrested on weapons charges after stealing firearms from drug dealers in a Tompkins Avenue dwelling. In what can only be described as a twisted turn of events, Wahhaj and his security team raided a drug dealer’s den under the pretext of shutting down their operations.
After Wahhaj and his team ordered the dealers to leave, they stole their weapons. In a surprise move, the “victims” called the police on Wahhaj to report the theft.
“The one thing we didn’t expect was that they would call the cops on us,” Wahhaj said.
Police were able to track down Wahhaj’s getaway car and pulled the team over. Inside. police found a shotgun, a .38-caliber handgun, numerous knives and a club.
Wahhaj and his four accomplices were immediately arrested. One of Wahhaj’s accomplices was Abud-Rauf Shakir, previously convicted in 1971 for the attempted murder of a New Jersey state trooper.
At the time, Shakir was also running the school at Wahhaj’s Masjid Taqwa. Shakir also faced attempted-murder charges in connection with the shooting of a 16-year-old suspected crack dealer only two weeks before the Tompkins Avenue incident.
Shakir failed to show up at his trial and was tried in absentia. Assistant District Attorney Edgar N. Foxx III told the jury that Wahhaj’s Muslim patrol operated with a zeal that “blinded them to the law.”
Believing “40 Days and 40 Nights” was not long enough to clean up the Fulton Street commercial district, Wahhaj vowed to continue his campaign. He would formally morph his 50-man security team into a licensed operation called SSI Patrol Services.
The New York Times described them in 1991 as a company whose “tools are the same ones employed by its adversaries: violence and intimidation.”
Violent battles often erupted between Wahhaj’s SSI Patrols, who dressed in black fatigues and black M65 jackets, and area drug dealers. As before, some of Wahhaj’s guards were convicted criminals and drug runners themselves who had converted to Islam while in prison.
Wahhaj encouraged them to fight to the death. “That means using force, standing up, putting our lives on the line,” Wahhaj told the Times. “We are willing to fight, willing to die and willing to kill, although I want to stress that we only kill in self-defense.”
Self-Defense or Violence Vengeance
The claim his guards “only kill in self-defense” rang hollow when compared to press statements made by those very same guards. One SSI Patrol member told the Times, “If they spill one pin of our blood, we spill gallons of theirs.”
Spilling “gallons of blood” for “one pin of our blood” does not exactly suggest self-restraint, peacekeeping or the use of deadly force only for self-defense. It suggests vengeance, intimidation and reckless escalation.
Another SSI Patrol member said, “We go in and shoot the walls,” adding, “We tell them next time we will shoot them in the head.”
Try to imagine actual, uniformed police officers behaving in this manner. A high-ranking officer of the 73rd police precinct failed to see much difference between the drug dealers and Wahhaj’s SSI Patrol Services.
“In the end, what is the difference between a bunch of vigilantes using force to take over a street corner and a bunch of drug dealers? It still involves gun battles and flying bullets.”
Seventy-year-old Earl Banks is a convicted murderer who is now in charge of recruiting officers for Muslim Community Patrol & Services. In 1970, Banks was arrested for burglary, kidnapping in the first degree and murder and sentenced to life in prison.
He was released in 1985 after spending only 15 years in jail. While in prison he changed his name to Ali Mustapha. By 1988 he was serving as an SSI guard on Siraj Wahhaj’s security team, cleaning up the Fulton Street commercial district. During the same period Wahhaj’s guards had also been hired by slumlords to drive drug traffickers from apartment buildings.
Such was the case on December 14 of that year, when Earl Banks and other SSI security guards were sent to an apartment complex on Nostrand Avenue to clean out a drug den. The raid resulted in one of the alleged crack dealers being fatally shot. Initially two witnesses came forward to say Banks murdered 51-year-old Rainford Salmon after he disobeyed commands.
Witness Intimidation and Murder
Earl Banks was charged with Rainford Salmon’s murder. Following Banks’ arrest, both witnesses began receiving death threats soon after testifying before a grand jury.
The first witness was Steven John, who was shot and wounded. After being released from Kings County Hospital, John fled to Baltimore. He was brought back to New York City but was then unwilling to testify.
The second witness was Oscar Brown. He had been attacked and beaten several times over a six-month period after his grand jury testimony but remained determined to come forward as a witness against Earl Banks, who was better known at the time as Ali Mustapha.
Also during that period, Brown’s mother, Delores, began receiving weekly telephone calls from a man claiming to be calling on behalf of “Ali.” The man pled with Brown’s mother to persuade her son to either change his testimony or not testify at all.
Mrs. Brown said her son remained determined to appear in court. “He told me he was going to tell the court just what he saw,” she told The New York Times.
On June 7, 1989 Oscar Brown’s body was found on Van Sinderen Avenue. Neighbors said several men had forced him into a car the previous night.
His murder had all the hallmarks of a targeted assassination. The Supreme Court of Kings County reported, “He had been shot 16 times and sustained a shotgun blast as well as bullet wounds.”
With one witness dead and another refusing to testify, Earl Banks (Ali Mustapha) was eventually cleared of murder charges. Earl Banks now serves directly under the command of Siraj Wahhaj as a recruitment officer for MCP&S and as a supervisor of its male officers.
Wahhaj’s Children: Owners of Terrorist Camps in New Mexico and Alabama
On March 13, 2019, Siraj Wahhaj’s son (Siraj Ibn Wahhaj) and his two daughters (Hujrah and Subhannah) were indicted on federal terrorism charges. Two others were also indicted, Lucas Morton and Jany Leveille. The indictment came nearly seven months after the five were arrested on child abuse allegations following a raid on a suspected Islamic training compound in Amalia, N.M. That raid drew national media coverage.
The investigation began as a search for the elder Siraj Wahhaj’s grandson, who had been reported missing for months in Georgia, and who was last seen in the arms of his father, Siraj Ibn Wahhaj.
Law enforcement officials were also concerned that children inside the isolated and filthy camp were being insufficiently fed and clothed.
After a raid on August 3, 2018 raid, the body of three-year-old Abdul-Ghani Wahhaj (the elder Wahhaj’s grandson) was discovered. The boy had been dead for what appeared to be weeks.
Prior to his death the child had reportedly been suffering from neurological problems, which his father attributed to demonic possession. According to Wahhaj’s son, the child died during a failed Islamic exorcism ceremony.
Authorities also discovered 11 other children inside the camp, ages one to 15. Nine of the youngsters were grandchildren of the elder Siraj Wahhaj.
Also found were numerous rifles and handguns, a shotgun, 500 rounds of ammunition and a bulletproof vest. The camp included a secret tunnel and a shooting range.
Federal authorities described the camp as “a training compound to prepare for attacks on government, military and other institutions.”
U.S. Attorney John C. Anderson said the adult members were engaged in “a conspiracy to stage deadly attacks on American soil,” which he predicted were “imminent.”
“No Prior Knowledge”
The elder Siraj Wahhaj publicly claimed to have had no prior knowledge of his son and daughters’ involvement in the suspected terrorist camp and would later say, “To me, obviously something happened—a mental disorder, or something. This doesn’t seem like them.”
That “something” could have been the results of teachings by Siraj Wahhaj, who — for several decades — has preached about America’s destruction.
In a 2008 sermon Wahhaj said, “In time, this so-called democracy will crumble, and there will be nothing, and the only thing that will remain will be Islam.”
When Wahhaj’s son was just 12 years old, Wahhaj delivered a sermon titled, “The Muslim Agenda in the New World Order,” in which he declared: “If only Muslims were clever politically, they could take over the United States and replace its constitutional government with a caliphate.”
Wahhaj added that Muslims should come to the United States to establish an Islamic country, saying, “Wherever you came from, you came to America. And you came for one reason—for one reason only—to establish Allah’s deen.”
Federal authorities would learn later of another suspected terrorist camp controlled by Siraj Wahhaj’s son. On May 10, 2019, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, armed with a search warrant, raided a “makeshift military-style obstacle course” in Macon County, Alabama that was owned by Siraj Ibn Wahhaj.
The FBI had suspicions about the camp dating back to December 2017 after Siraj Ibn Wahhaj crashed his Ford Explorer in rural Chilton County, Alabama.
Inside Wahhaj, Jr.’s vehicle were five guns, a bulletproof vest and a bag of ammunition.
Though the elder Wahhaj claims to have had no knowledge of his son or daughters’ involvement in suspected terrorist activity, he did not miss the opportunity to reap a hefty profit from the tragedy of his grandson’s death and his own children’s terrorist-related arrests and charges.
Shortly after news broke of the law enforcement raid on the New Mexico compound, a group of Muslims raised $71,485 to give directly to Wahhaj to do “as he sees fit”—either to help out his children or to uphold “the tenets of Islam and the law of the land.”
Muslim Patrol is the Testing Ground
In accordance with the Feb. 15, 2019 Masjid Kawthar agreement, Imam Siraj Wahhaj promised that MCP&S will keep their limited number of patrol cars confined to the Bay Ridge area of Brooklyn until the force can be expanded.
All acknowledged that the Bay Ridge area would be more suitable to test the Muslim patrol cars because of its fast-growing of Arab immigrant population, comprised largely of Lebanese, Palestinians, Syrians, Egyptians, Yemenis and Moroccans.
Immigrants from these Islamic countries offered qualities and traits not found in Brooklyn’s existing African-American communities. The synoptic view held that foreign-born Muslims are more likely to be accustomed to sharia law enforcement than Black Muslims born in America.
Foreign Muslims are also more inclined to have feelings of guilt if found disobeying the Quran and engaging in activities considered haram (forbidden).
In addition, the reasoning is that foreigners might submit to MCP authority more readily if they equated the MCP cars with actual police cars, since they closely mimic NYPD vehicles in make, labeling and design.
Finally, foreign-born immigrants are more susceptible to bullying and intimidation than African-Americans who grew up in Brooklyn.
One African-American Muslim who attended the Masjid Kawthar event explained it this way: “In Bay Ridge you could punch one of those Muslims in the face and they’re not going to do anything about it. But if you punch a Black Muslim on this side of Brooklyn there’s going to be trouble.
“The Bay Ridge area has foreigners, a lot of Caucasian Muslims. The MCP cars are going to have a better chance surviving there. The foreigners are more open and they come from countries where they know they shouldn’t be doing certain things. They’re probably going to listen to the MCP officers,” said the attendee, who asked to remain anonymous.
“And I’m going to tell you something else,” he added. “The Black Muslims will shoot the s*** out of you. They’re not going to sit home. They’re going to handle it right there. Foreigners, however, when they get together all they want to do is plan. But the Black Muslims, it’s going to be bang, bang, bang.”
The incident leading up to the emergency Masjid Kawthar conference, in which the MCP&S officer confronted the group of pot-smoking young African Americans outside a mosque, could be considered an attempt to enforce both U.S. and sharia law, since smoking pot is both illegal in New York City and considered haram in the Quran.
Regardless of which set of laws the MCP&S officer was actually attempting to enforce, the organization quickly learned that it lacked the experience and training necessary to handle confrontations that could turn violent.
To address similar issues in the future, some MCP&S officers are now undergoing specialized training with policemen from NYPD’s 72nd precinct. Officers are receiving instructions in both self-defense and suspect-restraint techniques.
MCP&S is also attempting to recruit Muslim officers of the NYPD, asking them to serve as off-duty patrol volunteers. These officers could provide MCP&S with the capability of issuing citations and making arrests. They also have the advantage of being able to carry weapons.
Sharia Law Enforcement Sparks Opposition in Brooklyn
As plans of MCP&S to enforce Sharia law began to circulate in the Brooklyn area, another emergency meeting was held on June 23, 2019. The meeting was called to order by Lewis Watkins, the former district manager of Community Board 3, and held in a community room on 1545 Fulton St.
Watkins told MCP&S Operations Director, Mahwish Fathma, that he was going to do everything within his power to eliminate the Muslim patrol units.
“I feel there is a hidden agenda and I’m going to look into it,” he told Fathma. “I don’t want you in my zone and I don’t want you in Brooklyn.”
He further told Fathma that he would be issuing a formal complaint at “One Police Plaza” (NYPD Headquarters) in an effort to stop the 72nd Precinct from continuing to train their officers.
Two Shiites Muslims at the meeting also complained to Fathma about the patrol’s plans to enforce sharia law, saying that Sunni law differs in many ways from the sharia of Shiites.
According to an insider close to the group, if MCP&S officers do find themselves in trouble they will first call Ali Mustapha, who, as mentioned, is a convicted murderer and serves directly under Siraj Wahhaj as a field supervisor and hiring agent.
“Oldest Trick in the Book”
If Mustapha is called, he will have the option of dispatching his personal security team to handle the problem before getting the police involved.
Though not officially associated with MCP&S, Mustapha’s security team is licensed to carry weapons and have often used violence to subdue subjects in the past.
“This is the oldest trick in the book,” said the insider. “It’s what we used to do when I worked at a Muslim security guard in the ‘90s. “If something happens, MCP may call police, but they’ll call Ali (Mustapha) first. They carry guns and have physical defense training. And then, after they finish doing what they do, they’ll call the NYPD and turn them over. If someone gets hurt, they’ll just say he fell and hit his head or eye,” the former guard said.
The insider, who is a former member of Siraj Wahhaj’s mosque, described the goal of MCP&S as an effort “to get Muslims and non-Muslims in the United States to live under sharia as a whole.”
“This whole thing is a test before they buy more cars,” he said. “They want to see how it goes.”
If all goes “well,” Muslim Community Patrol & Services says it will expand from its three current cars to seven by the end of summer 2019, with the purchase of up to 30 cars in the near future.